From commitments to concrete action: Ending femicide in South Africa
Posted: 20 July, 2026 Filed under: Derara Roba, Keziah Mwashigadi, Noah Yesuf, Rumbidzai Musonza | Tags: accountability, femicide, gender-based violence, human dignity, intimate partner violence, live free from violence, National Council on Gender-Based Violence and Femicide Act 9 of 2024, national disaster, National Strategy on the Prevention of Femicide, South Africa, woman's rights, women’s dignity Leave a commentThe Authors are enrolled in the LL.M in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa (HRDA) at the Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria.
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Noah Yesuf |
Rumbidzai Musonza |
Derara Roba |
Keziah Mwashigadi |
Femicide in South Africa: The staggering realities
Femicide represents the most extreme manifestation of gender-based violence against women and girls. The numbers are frightening as reports have repeatedly shown that South Africa has one of the highest femicide rates in the world. Recent records indicate that the rate of intimate partner violence in South Africa is five times higher than the global average, and approximately 15 women are killed every day.
Yet, the response remains sluggish, unable to effectively tackle the pervasive ongoing femicide crisis that poses a daily threat to women’s lives and deprive their constitutional right to live free from violence with dignity, equality, and freedom.
What the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment Number 3 Bill means for democracy
Posted: 19 June, 2026 Filed under: Nqobani Nyathi | Tags: 2008 elections, Amendment Number 3 Bill, changing term limits, Constitution of Zimbabwe, Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment Number 3 Bill, democracy, five years, gender equality, good governance, Government of National Unity, human rights, human rights violations, rule of law, transparency, violence, ZANU-PF, Zimbabwe Leave a comment
Author: Nqobani Nyathi
Lawyer
Introduction
In 2013, Zimbabweans voted overwhelmingly for a new Constitution. Drafted during the Government of National Unity after the violence and massive human rights violations that followed the 2008 elections, it marked a national attempt to break from the past.
The Constitution of Zimbabwe is anchored in clear values. These include the rule of law, human rights, gender equality, transparency and good governance. Above all, it affirms that authority to govern derives from the people of Zimbabwe. For the third time, that founding vision is under threat.
Starving in Silence: The Case for an African Commission Resolution on Conflict-Induced Starvation in Africa
Posted: 10 June, 2026 Filed under: Harry Mwesigwa, Maram Mahdi, Sohna Jawara | Tags: 2025 Global Report on Food Crises, African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, African regional human rights system, armed groups, basic food needs, basic rights to dignity, conflict, crop fields, destruction of crops, Ethiopia, farms, food security, food stocks, human rights, humanitarian issue, hunger, irrigation systems, legal problem, Nigeria, regional instruments, South Sudan, Starvation, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, weapon of war Leave a commentAn advocacy piece
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Maram Mahdi |
Harry Mwesigwa |
Sohna Jawara |
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1 Introduction
Starvation is no longer reducible to drought, market failure or developmental lag in Africa. In conflict settings, hunger has been engineered as a weapon of war. Civilians are deprived of the means of survival not by accident but by design, through siege, the obstruction of relief convoys, the deliberate destruction of crops, and the targeting of marketplaces. The implications are stark, violating the most basic rights to dignity, health and life. In 2025, approximately 147 million people globally experienced acute food insecurity as a result of conflict.
Between coordination and enforcement: What the GBVF disaster declaration actually delivers
Posted: 8 June, 2026 Filed under: Rethabile Mosese | Tags: accountability, ActionSA, criminal justice system, Disaster Management Act, Domestic Violence Act, femicide, GBVF, gender-based violence, legal advocacy organisations, national disaster, National Disaster Management Centre, National Prosecuting Authority, National Shelter Movement of South Africa, political decision, Public Finance Management Act, Rape Crisis Cape Town Trust, sexual offences, Sexual Offences Act, Victims of Crime Survey, Women for Change Leave a comment
Author: Rethabile Mosese
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria
A political victory, a legal question
On 21 November 2025, thousands of women lay on the ground for fifteen minutes at the Union Buildings, in shopping centres, on pavements and office floors, honouring the women killed every day in South Africa. I joined them knowing that these numbers are not abstract. Though exact figures fluctuate with reporting cycles, research by the South African Medical Research Council and Gender and Firearms Studies Africa estimates that around fifteen women are murdered daily. Hours after this collective act of mourning, government declared gender-based violence and femicide a national disaster under the Disaster Management Act. For many, the declaration felt like long-awaited recognition. But the legal instrument government chose matters as much as the declaration itself. Having spent over a decade inside the systems meant to protect survivors, I understand how much turns on that choice.
Does the ACHPR Really Get It?! Human Rights Defenders, African Values, and the Dangerous Drift Toward Normative Regression
Posted: 31 May, 2026 Filed under: Mai Aman | Tags: ACHPR, ACHPR’s Draft Declaration, African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, African values, anti-terror legislation, apartheid, authoritarianism, civic space, civil society actors, colonialism, community primacy, culture, digital surveillance frameworks, freedom of expression, Guidelines on Freedom of Association and Assembly in Africa, hostile environments, human rights defenders, LGBTQ defenders, moral health of society, official panel discussion, protest rights, public-order laws, respect for institutions, restrictive NGO regulations, Sovereignty, state security, women human rights defenders Leave a comment
Author: Mai Aman
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria
Civil society organisations (CSOs) participating at the 87th Ordinary Session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR/ the Commission), held in Banjul, the Gambia from 12 to 20 May 2026, were alarmed when discussions began emerging around a Draft Declaration on the Promotion of the Role of Human And Peoples’ Rights Defenders And their Protection In Africa. For many CSOs working directly on civic space, freedom of expression, protest rights and defender protection across the continent, this was the first time they had become aware that such a process was already underway within the Commission.
The concern was not simply procedural, although the limited consultation surrounding a Declaration of such potential normative significance immediately raised questions. Rather, alarm quickly grew once civil society actors were able to review the text itself. As the Draft Declaration began circulating during the session, organisations realised that, in its current form, the Declaration risked doing the exact opposite of what a Declaration on human rights defenders should do; instead of strengthening protections for defenders operating in increasingly hostile environments, the Draft Declaration appeared capable of legitimising the very frameworks already being used to repress them.
Lethal Skies, Absent Law: Drone Warfare in Sudan and the Limits of International Humanitarian Law
Posted: 13 April, 2026 Filed under: Razan E H Ali | Tags: accountability, armed conflicts, Arms Supply Problem, drone strikes, drone technology, Geneva Conventions, International Committee of the Red Cross, international human rights law, international legal community, legal architecture, Rapid Support Forces, Sudan, Sudanese Armed Forces, Sudanese domestic law, summary executions, transparency failures Leave a comment
Author: Razan Ali
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria
1 Introduction
The proliferation of drone technology into an ever-growing number of armed conflicts has generated deep unease within the international legal community. As the United Nations Secretary-General observed in 2020, this proliferation ‘reinforces long-standing concerns over compliance with international humanitarian and international human rights law, accountability and transparency’. Nowhere is this concern more acutely illustrated than in Sudan.
Since the outbreak of armed conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in April 2023, UAVs have emerged as a defining feature of the battlefield. Between 1 January and 15 March 2026 alone, over 500 civilians were killed in drone strikes, with more than 277 fatalities recorded in the first two weeks of March. Just a few days ago, a drone strike tragically hit the town of Kutum in North Darfur, killing 30 people at a wedding ceremony. Earlier, on March 20, 2025, during the first day of Eid al-Fitr, coordinated air and drone strikes targeted El Daein Teaching Hospital in East Darfur, resulting in at least 64 deaths, including 13 children, and causing the hospital’s emergency, maternity, and pediatric units to become entirely non-operational.
Safeguarding Human Rights in Africa’s Digital Transformation: The Role of the ACHPR in DPI Governance
Posted: 23 March, 2026 Filed under: Hlengiwe Dube | Tags: African Charter, African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, digital identity systems, digital payment ecosystems, Digital Public Infrastructure, DPI, human rights, Human Rights Impact Assessments, interoperable service platforms, M-Pesa, Malabo Convention, mass surveillance, national identity systems, public services, state reporting, vulnerable populations Leave a comment
Author: Hlengiwe Dube
Senior digital rights and policy expert
Across Africa, governments are digitising public services. From national identity systems to interoperable service platforms and digital payment ecosystems, these initiatives promise greater efficiency, financial inclusion, and citizen engagement. However, while digital public infrastructure (DPI) offers remarkable opportunities, it also brings unprecedented risks. Poorly governed digital systems can exclude vulnerable populations, enable mass surveillance, and concentrate power in ways that undermine democratic participation.
In this evolving digital landscape, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) has a significant role to play. As the continental body mandated to promote and protect human rights, in terms of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the ACHPR can provide guidance, oversight, and accountability in the deployment of DPI. Civil society organisations (CSOs) across Africa, meanwhile, are uniquely positioned to act as intermediaries between citizens and the state, leveraging ACHPR frameworks to ensure digital governance aligns with human rights standards.
Are we really on the same page? Understanding the distortion of human rights law in Africa by anti-rights actors
Posted: 16 March, 2026 Filed under: Lakshita Kanhiya, Michael Gyan Nyarko | Tags: African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights, African values, anti-rights actors, anti-rights backlash, challenges, constitutionalism, culture, family, human rights law, morality, national sovereignty, regional norm-setting, religion, religious fundamentalism, shrinking civic space, strategic litigation, the human rights mechanisms, transnational funding 2 Comments |
Author: Lakshita Kanhiya Legal Officer, Initiative for Strategic Litigation (ISLA) in Africa |
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Author: Michael Gyan Nyarko Deputy Executive Director, Institute for Human Rights and Development in Africa (IHRDA) |
Too much ‘progress’ too soon?
For the past two and half decades, Africa’s human rights architecture has steadily expanded normatively, institutionally, and jurisprudentially. From the humble beginnings of African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and ‘baby’ steps of its monitoring body the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights in the 1990s, the turn of the new millennium saw an increase in the number of norms as well as institutions mandated by the African Union to promote and protect human rights, including the establishment and operationalisation of the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights and African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child. Even with all the institutional, political and other challenges that regional these institutions have faced, they have contributed to relatively progressive human rights landscape, influencing progressive decisions of national courts and regional bodies, and contributed to embedding the language of dignity, equality, and freedom in legal and political discourse across the continent. Constitutionalism, regional norm-setting, and strategic litigation have strengthened the visibility and legitimacy of human rights principles in both legal and public arenas.
Conflict-Related Sexual Violence and the Accountability Gap in Africa’s Regional Human Rights Architecture
Posted: 3 March, 2026 Filed under: Selamawit Tsegaye Lulseged | Tags: accountability gap, AU-CEVAWG, conflict-related sexual violence, CRSV, customary international law, enforced sterilisation, forced abortion, forced marriage, forced pregnancy, forced prostitution, humanitarian law, international human rights, legal standards, rape, regional human rights mechanisms, Sexual and Gender Based violence, sexual slavery, sgbv, systemic failures, United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Leave a comment
Author: Selamawit Tsegaye Lulseged
International Human Rights Professional
Introduction
Conflict-Related Sexual Violence (CRSV) remains one of the most serious yet under reported and prosecuted violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. The term “Conflict-Related Sexual Violence” refers to rape, sexual slavery, forced prostitution, forced pregnancy, forced abortion, enforced sterilisation, forced marriage, and any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity perpetrated against women, men, girls, or boys that is directly or indirectly linked to a conflict. As one form of Sexual and Gender Based violence, (SGBV), CRSV is both a manifestation and a tool of gendered power imbalances. It’s frequently employed as a weapon during conflict/violence to assert control over populations, enforce ethnic cleansing, or punish perceived adversaries, with women and girls disproportionately impacted. It further constitutes grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions and can amount to a war crime, crime against humanity, or constituent element of genocide under international criminal law. The prohibition of rape and other forms of sexual violence during conflict is not only widely accepted as part of Customary International Law, but it’s also considered a jus cogens norm – a peremptory norm from which no derogation is permitted (ICC, Prosecutor v. Bosco Ntaganda, 26 Jan 2017, para. 3).
Digital Public Infrastructure Through an Open Government Lens
Posted: 11 February, 2026 Filed under: Hlengiwe Dube | Tags: access, accountability, AI registers, algorithmic bias, Algorithmic Impact Assessment (AIA) framework, automated social protection, data exchange platforms, Democratic Legitimacy, digital identity systems, Digital Public Infrastructure, digital service delivery, digital transformation, DPI, e-government, government reform, inclusion, oversight, public participation, Public Trust, transparency 1 CommentAuthor: Hlengiwe Dube
Senior digital rights and policy expert
Abstract
Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) is rapidly being deployed worldwide, yet its governance is a significant blind spot in open government reform. While governments focus on digital service delivery, the underlying systems that determine access, inclusion, and fairness often operate without transparency, accountability, or public participation. This article argues that DPI must be governed through open government principles to prevent systemic harm such as exclusion from essential services, algorithmic bias, and eroded public trust and to realize its potential for public good. Using global cases, it shows how integrating transparency, oversight, and participatory design into DPI can turn digital infrastructure into a force for democratic accountability, rather than hidden control. Finally, the article calls for explicit inclusion of DPI governance into frameworks like the Open Government Partnership, ensuring that digital transformation encodes democratic values, not just technical efficiency, into the infrastructure of the state.
AfricLaw 